The report can be accessed at the UNESCO digital library.

The report can be accessed at the UNESCO digital library.

This is the report of a multinational comparative study of foreign news coverage designed to explore the similarities and differences in the images of the “outside world” that each type of society projects for its members. The study included 60 daily papers published in nine countries across the world.

This article locates the globalised media system as an extension of, and an essential adjunct to, the larger expansion of the neoliberal market, characterising it as a “global oligopoly” dominated by rapidly expanding American firms, and involving consolidation and convergence. It also observes that hearteningly, progressive and anti-neoliberal political movements are emphasising structural media reform as part of their agenda.

This article is a reflection on how the “international information order” has rendered obsolete conventional patterns of international communication. It emphasises the importance of international communication theory in studying this new “global public sphere”.

The author suggests that the globalisation of the media is leading to a globalised culture whose movement is towards uniformity and regimentation, without any discernible increase in the well-being of humanity. Consequently, cultures of minorities are lost and the trivial gains at the cost of the serious.

This paper is a case study of the role of transnational advocacy networks (TANs) and multi-stakeholder governance processes in the formation of international communication-information policy. It documents the important role of the Campaign for Communication Rights in the Information Society (CRIS) in determining the norms and modalities of civil society participation in the World Summit on the Information Society (WSIS), and provides a critical assessment of the ideology of “communication rights.”

This article examines the effects of global communication on the formulation and management of foreign policy, showing that while on the one hand it constrains leaders and officials, at the same time it also provides them with opportunities to advance their goals. It suggests that the field is in need of interdisciplinary research involving both communication and international relations.

This article attempts an economic analysis of global communications. It suggests that the nature of institutional arrangements and governance regimes is better explained by the distribution of national power capabilities than by efforts to solve problems of market failure.

This paper reflects on the role of the World Summit on the Information Society (WSIS) in global communication governance. It details the history of attempts towards global communication governance under the UN system, and identifies the recognition of the role of civil society in the global governance process as a key achievement of the WSIS.

It is possible to read about the theory in later open-access papers such as Price, Monroe E., “Civil Society and the Global Market for Loyalties”, Annenberg School for Communication Departmental Papers, University of Pennsylvania, 2007

This article theorises the media space as a “market for loyalties”, where competitors use communication regulation to maintain power. Using the example of media regulation in the United States to explain the theory, it suggests that this theorisation helps explain legal and political responses to the globalisation of telecommunications.

In this essay, the author examines the underlying tensions that make international agreement on a Global Communications Commission, with tough law-making and regulatory authority, so hard to achieve. Using the “market for loyalties” theory, the author suggests that law can effectively function only if there is consensus among the major competitors in this market, and postulates that media law and regulation, generally exists “for the convenience of those whom it is designed to serve”.

This article discusses the implications of the Global Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS) for societal regulation of the media and the role of UNESCO’s new Convention on Cultural Diversity (CCD). It concludes that the liberalization of audio-visual services will prevent several media regulation measures, including support programmes for the audio-visual industry and the funding of public service broadcasting, and that UNESCO’s efforts to promote and protect cultural diversity are unlikely to stop this development.

This article reviews the debate on international news flows and then examines some studies evaluating the actual state of international newsgathering, gatekeeping and transmission, the level and effects of the dominance of Western news agencies, as well as alternatives to these agencies in the developing world.

In this essay, the author reviews the intersection of journalism and globalization by considering the approach of the communication field to ‘media globalization’ within a “broader interdisciplinary perspective that mixes the sociology of globalization with aspects of geography and social anthropology”. With emphasis on social practices, and specific geographical spaces, the author attempts to introduce a less media-centric approach to media globalization, which captures the changes that globalization has brought to journalism.

The article identifies three paradigms within media and globalisation discussions: media-technological, cultural and political-economic. After describing each of the above paradigms, the author calls for a “non-reductionist approach to the journalism-globalisation relationship”, proposing a dialectical understanding of globalisation as a tension between the global and the local.

The authors attempt to define the boundaries of “global media policy”, conceptualising it as a domain, elaborating a consistent analytical framework, and addressing methodological implications. They also provide an overview of the conceptual journey through which the project to map global media policy has evolved.

The paper critiques the thrust of the United Nations Educational Scientific and Cultural Organisation (UNESCO) upon “responsible media” and “balanced flow of information”, as well as criticism of the Western press by third world countries and attempts at regulation, as incompatible with American conceptions of a free press.

Using the coverage of the Clinton-Lewinsky affair, the author highlights how despite being for-profit organisations, multinational media corporations have been able to retain their legitimacy with the public, largely by emphasising their supposed role as inveterate seekers of the truth, and as impartial reporters of important events.

This paper is a case study of India Ink, the New York Times’ first country-specific blog. This paper examines the blog’s content in order to analyse the ways in which participatory Web 2.0 tools have changed foreign coverage. Findings indicate that through interactive multimedia, crowd-sourced content, and collaboration between Indian and American reporters, India Ink is helping foreign correspondence thrive amidst drastic newsroom budget cuts.